Eksterior body mobil juga merupakan wajah dari mobil tersebut. Dari situlah awalnya orang akan menilai sebuah mobil. Selain bentuk dan model body plus aksesoriesnya, warna mobil juga merupakan komponen penting pada penampilan mobil.

Banyak hal yang dapat merusak penampilan warna mobil misalnya adanya luka pada panel mobil yang mengupas cat. Jika hal ini telah terjadi pemilik mobil pasti akan segera membawa mobilnya ke bengkel body repair untuk memperbaikinya. Terkadang tidak lagi mempertimbangkan biaya perbaikanya demi hasil yang maksimal.

Namun banyak pemilik mobil yang belum memahami teknologi pengecatan di bengkel. Umumnya masih menganggap bahwa pengecatan di bengkel sama dengan teknologi di pabrik baik bahan cat maupun metode pengerjaanya. Padahal dengan kondisi yang berbeda diperlukan teknologi aplikasi yang berbeda pula.

Teknologi OEM dan REFINISH

Teknologi pengecatan di pabrik dengan yang ada di bengkel jelas berbeda sehingga bahan dan material yang digunakan pun sangat berbeda. Pada proses pengecatan di pabrik dikondisikan untuk mass production sehingga bahan yang digunakan memang didesain khusus yang disebut dengan cat OEM ( Original Equipment Manufacture ). Bahan cat ini dioperasikan oleh robot pada suhu diatas 100 derajat Celcius. Hal ini juga dapat dilakukan karena body mobil dalam kondisi kosong tanpa interior.

Metode penyemprotanya dengan elektostatik dimana body telah diberi muatan listrik sehingga debu cat yang disemburkan oleh nozzle robot dapat diserap oleh plat body. Hasilnya cat akan menempel rata dengan ketebalan yang rata pula. Dengan pemanasan pada suhu tinggi maka proses pengeringan berlangsung lebih cepat dengan demikian proses assembling di depannya dapat langsung dilakukan.

Sedangkan pada proses pengecatan di bengkel pada prinsipnya adalah memperbaiki cat dari pabrik. Pada proses pengerjaan juga ada kendala dimana interior mobil sudah terisi dan rangkaian listrik sudah terpasang. Dengan demikian diperlukan teknologi yang berbeda dengan yang dilakukan di pabrik. Teknologi ini disebut Refinish.

Namun demikian pada bengkel-bengkel Authorized Dealer teknoloi refinish yang diterapkan biasanya sudah distandarisasi oleh pabikan pembuat mobil tersebut. Contohnya adalah Bengkel Body Repair & Paint Center PT. Nasmoco Purwokerto sebagai bengkel Authorized TOYOTA memiliki standar baku pengecatan mobil TOYOTA.

Proses Step by Step

Proses demi proses akan dilakukan sesuai dengan karakteristik mobil TOYOTA. Mulai dari perbaikan panel ( kenteng ) hingga proses pengecatan. Setelah proses kenteng selesai dilanjutkan pada proses persiapan permukaan. Proses ini adalah persiapan panel sebelum dilakuakn pengecatan yang meliputi proses primer, pendempulan, epoxy dan masking. Setelah proses tersebut dilakukan barulah masuk ke pengecatan ( top coat ).

Proses ini umumnya akan memakan waktu lebih dari 1 hari untuk bisa mendapatkan kualitas yang baik. Dan setiap tahapan poses harus melalui pengontrollan kualitas. Hal ini akan menjadi penting karena jika terjadi problem pada salah satu proses tersebut maka akan dapat mengakibatkan kerusakan di hasil akhirnya.

Dan hanya teknisi yang sudah terlatih yang dapat melakukannya. Itulah sebabnya penting untuk membawa mobil ke bengkel resminya. Karena teknisinya sudah dilatih untuk menangani mobil tersebut mulai dari hal yang paling sepele hingga yang paling sulit sekalipun.



WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.


“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’

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